Tursunova D.R.
COMPETING MEDIA NARRATIVES AND THEIR IMPACT ON PUBLIC PERCEPTION IN CENTRAL ASIA *
Аннотация:
the following article examines the role of media in shaping political legitimacy and public perception in Central Asia. Through qualitative content analysis, this study highlights how competing local, Russian, Western, Chinese, and Turkish narratives impact the region’s media environment. Findings identify that domestic media, largely state-run, serve countries national agenda and priorities, Russian outlets maintain influence due to language, historical legacy, and cultural codes, China attempts to portray itself as an important economic partner under its Belt and Road framework, Turkey promotes cultural and linguistic proximity. At the same time, social media emerges as mostly used platform for consuming information among the Central Asian population, particularly youth, who offer an original narrative “Central Asian identity” unlike others mentioned above.
Ключевые слова:
Central Asia, media narratives, soft power, Russia, China, Turkey, European Union, youth activism, digital media, public opinion, identity formation
DOI 10.24412/2712-8849-2025-889-125-134
Central Asia, as being located in the crossroads of several civilizations since the Silk Route era, has always played a significant role – often described as “Heartland” by Mackinder (1904) or framed within “Great game” narratives first promoted by British Intelligence in the late XIX century. Yet for much of the post-Soviet period, the region that includes countries such as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan remained on the periphery of international politics (Dzhuraev, 2024). In recent years, however, it has re-emerged as a strategically vital arena positioned between major powers such as Russia, China, Turkey, and other Western countries. There are different reasons for its location in natural resources and shared historical, religious, and ethnic backgrounds, it presents diverse economic opportunities. (Gaur, 2024). There are several concurrent factors leading to the following geopolitical shift, the withdrawal of United States troops from Afghanistan and later efforts of the European Union to fill this resulting power vacuum in the region, the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian crisis, the intensified promotion of the Belt and Road Initiative as framework for the integration by China, the Turkey’s popularizing agenda aimed at fostering unity among Turkic states. While Central Asian states are demonstrating that they are taking the initiative in diversifying their international relations with their own agendas and prioritizing regional integration with neighbouring countries (Drost, et al, 2025).Literature Review.In this evolving world, the media has never been so important, so as in politics, it can be used as a key tool for soft power and political legitimacy. As inseparable part of modern daily lives, it shapes the public perception via both traditional and digital means of media. Happer and Philo, in their work “The Role of the Media in the Construction of Public Belief and Social Change,” promote the idea that the media plays a significant role by shaping public beliefs and reinforcing either unity or division, depending on the narratives promoted. Nye also (2004) argues that the media is a critical component of a nations soft power toolkit, enabling states to amplify their cultural appeal and ideological influence. Furthermore, agenda-setting theory highlights the medias ability to prioritize certain issues, making them more salient in public discourse. In the context of soft power, agenda-setting enables states to shape international debates by emphasizing narratives that align with their strategic interests (McCombs & Shaw, 1972).Methodology.The authority, state, and non-state actors, regional and external powers use it to advance their agendas, frame events, and influence the perception in a way that preferrable for their strategic objectives. Central Asia has become the focus of several, often competing narratives popularized by domestic, Russian, Chinese, Turkish, and other regional media sources. There is a shortage of thorough research done on how these narratives impact public opinion in this region, a gap that the following article attempts to address.This study applies a qualitative content analysis of existing media sources, including television broadcasts, e-magazines, and social media networks. Analyzing these sources, the research determines how various channels define important political, economic, and cultural matters. Additionally, a comparative method is employed to identify the differences among local and other regional narratives with particular focus on how these representations could affect public perception in Central Asia.Findings and Discussion.Local media in Central Asia heavily emphasize topics such as political stability, economic progress, and nation-building. Most of the media, especially broadcasting in Central Asia, is state-run (Sultonnazarov, 2019).7 for instance, Kazakhstan’s “Kazinform” and Uzbekistan’s “UzA” usually frame government policies as a source of security and prosperity and present regional cooperation in positive terms (Ekstrom, 2021). 8. This pattern shows the broader efforts by Central Asian states to foster “national sociocultural consensus,” aligning media content with regime priorities and curtailing alternative narratives (Rollberg et al, 2015). For example, in Uzbekistan, the media being mostly owned by the state ensures that television, print (newspapers and journals), and other platforms promote the official priorities like modernization and national unity. Nation-building narratives are further fostered through cultural policies, take Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan’s efforts to promote the Latin script and highlighting pre-Soviet history and figures, which serve to assert cultural sovereignty and differentiate national identity from the Soviet legacy (Barber, 2024).9 Yet domestic media contribute to public discussion, such as by reinforcing high-profile cases that led to legislative cases (Saltanat) in Kazakhstan. 10, their role majorly remains to maintain regime legitimacy rather than challenging it.While local media in Central Asia concentrates on nation-building and state-led development, Russian news and media outlets continue to foster particular influence in forming regional discourses. Despite the fact that Russian still remains a ”lingua franca” across Central Asia, each of the five countries is actively engaged in promoting its own national languages (Barber, 2024). However, Moscow has supplied investments to sustain ties, for example, between 2015-2021, it supported sixteen Uzbek civic organization through several projects to promote the Russian language, culture, and identity. The organization Rossotrudnichestvo alone was responsible for sponsoring fourteen such initiatives, reflecting the breadth of Russia’s institutional commitment to soft power in Uzbekistan (Custer et al., 2023). It is important to note that Russian television is widely popular in the region, yet consumption trends are varied by age: while the 55+ demographic demonstrates consistent reliance on Russian channels, younger groups (18–44) are markedly less engaged (ENC Europe, 2023).Narratives promoted by Russia are implemented not only via languages and discourses, but also through cultural codes, which makes it seem more proximate. s Gabdulhakov notes, its resonance in Central Asia derives from “historical impact, daily language and discourses, humor, sentiments, nostalgia, rituals, entertainment, cultural code” (2022). These messages often emphasize traditional values, Soviet nostalgia, and construct a polarizing idea of “us” and “them”. Another example would be the state-owned international broadcaster Russia Today (RT) keep a dedicated section entitled “Former USSR” (Бывший СССР), under which Central Asia is frequently categorized. By presenting the region as “post-Soviet” rather than “Central Asia” as currently referred in academia, questions the framing of five independent states with over thirty years of sovereignty.Unlike historical media dominance, Western and other regional actors have also established alternative narratives based on their strategic agendas in Central Asia. The European Union’s discourse widely reflects its main priorities: democracy, human rights, and governance. In Central Asia, open official documents and projects of the EU tend to emphasize the rule of law and democratic governance, while present media coverage frequently highlight its contributions in the field of social and gender rights (Mukasheva et al, 2024). Due to authoritarian patterns of regimes in Central Asia, it can be assumed that the media prefers to show the EU as more advocate for social rights than engaged in politics. Alongside this, the EU has attempted to resist Russian information dominance, especially after 2022, by offering media literacy initiatives, such as the Resilience and Engagement with Varied Information for a Vibrant Environment (REVIVE) project, aimed at strengthening resilience against propaganda and empower domestic media platforms. The United States employs a more limited, yet targeted approach, promoting the C5+1 framework at the state and public level, engage Central Asian youth and foster regional integration, portrayed in local media and platforms of the embassy. Nevertheless, there is disparity in reporting styles: Ekstrom (2021) highlights in its study that while Central Asian state media overwhelmingly highlight cooperation and regional harmony, U.S.-funded outlets such as Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) often emphasize conflict-oriented stories.China’s media influence is soft and intense at the same time. Official Chinese discourse highlights economic partnership, communication, and cultural exchange, though civil societies in Central Asia often examine China’s rising presence suspiciously. As Karibayeva mentions, deep-rooted historical memories of enmity, reinforced by folklore and Soviet-era propaganda, fuel perceptions of China as a predatory power seeking to exploit Central Asia as a source of natural resources and a market for its goods (2020). So that some level of anti-China public protests can be seen in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, though governments portray China as a significant economic partner. To address this skepticism, Beijing seeks to manifest different framing of China, its culture, and the Belt and Road Initiative. For example, it established China Global Television Network (CGTN) in 2016, a project that reflects a modern and globalized image of China across the world, including Central Asia. Interesting to note that the network has a slogan “See the difference,” which Jiang Heping explains as “different coverage for the same world, different perspectives for the same coverage” (Li & Wu, 2018). Also, recent initiatives like the China-Central Asia media cooperation framework launched in Astana shows that Beijing is intended to institutionalize the media collaboration and normalize its presence in the regional information landscape (CGTN, 2025).Turkey applies another distinct narrative, rooted in shared cultural, religious, and linguistic ties. Its “Turkic World” perfectly exemplifies Turkey’s soft power strategy and how it fosters unity among Turkic-speaking countries. Due to linguistic similarities, Turkish media products, especially shows and series, are extremely popular among Central Asian population, playing vital role in positioning Ankara as both friendly state and a regional partner.While state-run and foreign media continue to dominate as means of traditional media consumption, there is no doubt that social media participation is increasing day by day. Central Asia’s young generation, for example, prefers digital platforms for news and public activism. According to the European Neighbouring Council’s report (2023), youth aged 18-25 in the region mostly consume information via social media networks or domestic outlets, resulting generational difference in reliance on older generations on Russian or national television. This digital trend has resulted in new forms of activism and identity negotiations. A growing number of young activists or bloggers highlight that there is a lack of appropriate representation of central Asia globally in digital platforms. Through educational videos and social media campaigns, mostly conducted in English or their own languages, they challenge common stereotypes and misinformation about the region’s culture and people. The majority of them identify themselves as “Central Asian” after their national identity or citizenship and encourage other young people in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan to collaborate. Examples of the mentioned activists could be Shakhzoda Mirakova and Sayat Nokerban. Diversifying the regional media environment, these efforts also lay the groundwork for shaping shared regional identity, avoiding it being reinforced externally.Conclusion.Central Asia’s media landscape is characterized by a diverse interplay of local, Russian, Western, and other regional narratives that aim to shape public perception and political legitimacy. Due to common linguistic space, migration, Soviet heritage, and nostalgia, Russian-language media have historically been widely popular across the region. Also, majority of times, in Russian speaking outlets, Central Asia is still referred to as “post-Soviet”. While Western actors promote democracy concept, China portrays itself as an economic partner through “Belt and Road” and Turkey leverages cultural and linguistic ties within the “Turkic World” agenda. These foreign narratives compete with domestic, usually state-owned media that emphasize state stability, economic prosperity, and regime legitimacy.Due to the burst of digital media, the younger generation tends to increasingly rely on social media networks. They not only consume the information and news, but also contribute to generating it, producing alternative narratives such as “Central Asian identity”, originally emerging within the region, not outside. It shows how social media can be a space for not only interaction, idea exchanging but also an arena to promote regional solidarity.
Номер журнала Вестник науки №8 (89) том 4
Ссылка для цитирования:
Tursunova D.R. COMPETING MEDIA NARRATIVES AND THEIR IMPACT ON PUBLIC PERCEPTION IN CENTRAL ASIA // Вестник науки №8 (89) том 4. С. 125 - 134. 2025 г. ISSN 2712-8849 // Электронный ресурс: https://www.вестник-науки.рф/article/25439 (дата обращения: 18.01.2026 г.)
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